Sunday March 3rd, 2013
So the economic plan to cut federal government spending that was deliberately devised to be so draconian that no sane
lawmaker would allow it to happen - has happened. And even before the egregious
aspects of this plan take hold, our national news media is mainly obsessed with
the “blame game.” Washington
One of mainstream media’s most famous journalists, Bob Woodward of the Washington Post wrote an explosive column on the subject of blame this past week. He identified President Barack Obama as having been the first to propose the sequester, which Woodward defines as, “the term for the $85 billion in ugly and largely irrational federal spending cuts.” In challenging the president’s veracity in claiming the cuts were first proposed by Congress, Woodward handed Republicans and Obama’s critics a beautifully gift-wrapped weapon in the on-going partisan budget wars. And near weeks end, Woodward said a senior White House figure “threatened” he would “regret” this column. Actually what Woodward wrote was complex – which I'll get to in a moment. But in the no-nuances world of Facebook and Twitter style journalism, the headline is the story. In this case the headline would be: This really bad idea was the president’s and he’s being deceitful when he says Congress proposed it.
Woodward is now an associate editor of the Washington Post, a newspaper whose editorial page seems to be increasingly conservative, especially as it now advocates
Middle East policies reminiscent of Bush II’s neo-
conservatives. I don’t know Woodward’s or his paper’s motives. But, there
appears little doubt that he wished to call out the president. Yet, if you read
his analysis carefully, it contains important information about the sequester
that explains not just who proposed it- but when it was done and why.
As for the “who”, Woodward writes, “My extensive reporting for my book “The Price of Politics” shows that the automatic spending cuts were initiated by the White House.” He goes on to say they were the “brainchild” of Jack Lew (then White House budget director, now the new treasury secretary) and congressional relations chief Rob Nabors. Woodward gives us the exact time and date -2:30pm, July 27th, 2011 -when with the president’s blessing, the idea was first presented to Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid. Woodward includes what the Boston Globe later stressed, that this was not an original idea. During budget crises of the 1980’s a similar tactic was first used by Republican Senators Warren Rudman and Phil Graham and Democrat Fritz Hollings. Then as now, the idea was to create consequences so unacceptable that the Senate, however reluctantly, would be forced to take reasonable action. It didn’t really work then either.
The “when” is very important, because July 2011 is when Tea Party dominated House Republicans, refused to raise the national debt limit to pay for spending the United States Government had already incurred - unless their demands for drastic budget cuts were met. In other words these people were willing to threaten the full faith and credit of the
, with the real
possibility of far reaching consequences for the entire world economy, if they
couldn’t have their way. United States
Obviously, that also explains the “why,” although Mr. Lew further refines the reason. Woodward quotes, but then dismisses, what Lew said last fall: “There was an insistence on the part of Republicans in Congress for there to be some automatic trigger (for major budget cuts.)” That is key. It meant in order to prevent the disaster of a debt default, the Tea Partiers were demanding mandated, automatic budget cuts.
The answers to the “who”, “when” and “why” questions, amount to major mitigating circumstances for the president. And Woodward himself tacitly concedes in this parenthetical aside, “(The Republicans are by no means blameless and have had their own episodes of denial and bald-faced message management.)” Yet, still he makes the case that as Mr. Obama proposed this onerous budget slashing, he can’t escape the blame for it.
In framing the issue that way, I strongly believe Woodward got it wrong. What the White House did in 2011 was a reaction to unprecedented and unacceptable demands from a group, able and willing to inflict potentially extreme economic harm to this country, to advance its own narrow political goals. How then could the president’s proposals, extracted with a figurative gun to the country’s head, be factually identified as the cause of the present crisis? In this political hijacking, aren’t the Tea Partiers who held
hostage, responsible for
the ultimate consequences of their actions? America
Of course, Woodward’s conclusions are now offered as proof of Obama’s culpability-especially by those who perpetually condemn the “liberal bias” of the mainstream media. Recently, Fox News’ Sean Hannity railed against what he called the “lap dog, kiss ass, media” who never challenge Obama. Meanwhile Karl Rove wrote in the Wall Street Journal, “Mr. Obama is a once-in-a-generation demagogue with a compliant press corps.”
Hannity and Rove know all about a “lap dog” and “compliant” press corps. Their careers blossomed during the first term of President George W. Bush – a period when the White House Press Corps was being ridiculed for its obsequiousness on Jon Stewart's Daily Show among others. And while the news media didn’t start the disastrous Iraq War, it can certainly be argued that if they had properly done their jobs, the White House hard sell of
’s non-existent weapons of mass
destruction would have been a lot less likely to have succeeded. Iraq
Over the years, I’ve had pleasant personal interactions with Bob Woodward. And I worked with Carl Bernstein, when for a time he was ABC News Washington Bureau Chief. I respect them both. Their reporting on Watergate set a very high bar for journalists everywhere. That said, I feel that Woodward’s effectively making Barack Obama the sequester villain, was a real stretch. But it does prove one thing. There is no longer, if there ever was, a liberal bias in the mainstream media - and especially not in the editorial pages of the Washington Post.
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